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The Manitoulin Treaty of 1862: Seeking the Native
Perspective
by Alan Corbiere, Kinoomaadoog Cultural and Historical
Research
Exploring and seeking to understand the signing of the
1862 Manitoulin Treaty (aka McDougall Treaty No. 94) requires gathering as
many different perspectives as possible. There are three main sources of
information regarding the Manitoulin Treaty: The reports of Indian Affairs
officials, the Jesuits Missionaries, and the Indians themselves. Each
source should be read critically and in conjunction with the other
sources. Divergent views on proceedings always happens and biases always
enter the fray, nevertheless, a Native perspective on the issue can be
re-constructed.
All too often the role of Indians (Nishnaabeg) are
downplayed or minimized. In some academic studies of the Manitoulin
Treaty the Nishnaabeg and their Chiefs are portrayed as merely the tools
of the Jesuit priests located at Wikwemikong, blindly obeying their
priests. While the Jesuits did play an active role, I hope to demonstrate
that they were not the puppet masters of the Manitoulin Island Chiefs.
The Jesuits certainly played a major role in the resistance, however,
their activities have been emphasized at the expense of revealing the
political resistance that the Chiefs engaged in.
I will draw from minutes of proceedings and councils
recorded by the governmental officials as well as the Jesuits. More
importantly, I will utilize the petitions drafted up by the Chiefs. These
petitions were predominantly written in Ojibwe. A few petitions were
undeniably written by the priests but the Nishnaabeg had also learned to
write in Ojibwe. The Chiefs of Wikwemikong had a secretary by the name of
Francis Metosage, he wrote a number of the Ojibwe petitions. Also, John
Itawashkash (also spelt Atawashkoshi of Sheshegwaning), son of Chief
Itawashkash and grandson of Assiginack, was also literate in Ojibwe.
Louis Debassige Jr. (of Mitchigiwadinong - present day M’Chigeeng), was
also reportedly literate in Ojibwe.
The Nishnaabeg during that era were predominantly
monolingual Ojibwe speakers and some spoke French. The government had to
employ interpreters whenever they wanted to conduct business with the
Manitoulin Nishnaabeg. So much of the proceedings recorded have been
filtered through an interpreter and then recorded by a secretary on site
or recalled afterward. As problematic as that may sound, the minutes of
proceedings do not necessarily have to be discarded. Much of the minutes
corroborate other sources.
Language barriers and literacy were not the only
problems, the Local Superintendent Captain George Ironside served to
obstruct the efforts of the Nishnaabeg to maintain their rights as well as
to stymie their independence. After the signing of the Bond Head treaty
of 1836, the Nishnaabeg of Manitoulin started to experience encroachment
from settlers and in particular, American fishermen. The department of
fisheries and the local superintendent started to issue leases to various
fishing stations claimed by the Nishnaabeg. The Chiefs of Wikwemikong
protested this encroachment onto their fisheries and requested that
Ironside write a letter to the Superintendent General of Indian Affairs.
Ironside refused. The chiefs then responded by holding a general assembly
in order to set down their collective understanding of the 1836 Treaty.
All of the surviving Nishnaabe participants and witnesses were invited and
through the three day period they produced a document which they all
signed. In a letter from Rev. Father Hanipaux (Society of Jesus) to the
Superintendent General of Indian Affairs dated August 3, 1839, Hanipaux
stated that:
“The chiefs
and prominent Indians at the three-day assembly drew up this document,
which was signed by all, as much to renew the memory of this famous treaty
as to request the mercy of His Excellency the Governor General,
represented by you, Sir, [illegible]...
But the
Superintendent [Ironside] told them that this would be not necessary,
since he himself had just written to His Excellency in the same vein.”
Ironside appears to have routinely dismissed the
concerns of the Manitoulin Nishnaabeg. This disregard, in a sense,
fortified their resolve to be heard and served to have the Chiefs bypass
the local Superintendent and petition the Superintendent General of Indian
Affairs and the Governor General directly. On July 21, 1862 the Chiefs
petitioned Ironside’s superiors to complain about his actions. They
wrote, in Ojibwe, that he was trying to ‘make chiefs’ in order to deprive
the Indians of their land. In this same petition, the Chiefs also
addressed the fishing issue: “The fishing locations are our own property
in as much as they are our islands. They told us that the Indians would
receive payment but we have not received any. We demand payment forthwith
for we don’t know what the promise will amount to. Now that the lease of
the location is over, we require that they be not leased any more.”
Throughout this time the Chiefs and Nishnaabeg of
Manitoulin had their rights and title continuously questioned, challenged,
disrespected and disregarded by settlers and government officials. The
Nishnaabeg heard rumours of the government’s intentions to purchase the
Island. These intentions were officially declared by Treaty Commissioners
Bartlett and Lindsey. The Treaty commission was sent to Manitoulin to
test the Indians receptiveness to treat and cede the Island. On Saturday
October 5th 1861, the council was held and attended by about
130 warriors with their Chiefs. When questioned about a possible
surrender the selected Ogimaa-giigido (Council Orator), Itawashkash (also
spelt as Edowishkosh, Atawashkoshi a chief from Sheshegwaning) stated:
“I have
heard what you have said, the words you have been sent to say to us. I
wish now to tell you what my brother Chiefs and warriors, women and
children say. The Great Spirit gave our forefathers land to live upon,
and our forefathers wished us to keep it. The land upon which we now are
is our own, and we intend to keep it. The whites should not come and take
our lands from us - they ought to have stayed on the other side of the
salt water to work the land there. The Great Spirit would be angry with
us if we parted with our land, and we don’t want to make him angry. That
is all I have to say.”
Bartlett and Lindsey then replied that the government
had every right to survey the island because the English own it. At this
point an unidentified warrior spoke and stated:
“Listen to
me. I call you friends because the whites and Indians are friends. I
wish you would understand what I say. If I understood English I would not
employ another man to speak for me. I hope you will not do anything to
cause me to be angry against you. This Island of which I speak I consider
my body. I don’t want one of my legs or arms to be taken from me. I am
surprised to hear you say the Island belongs to white men, for I have not
seen any white men on the Island before and I am not very young. I know
there is an evil spirit of which I am afraid as well as the Great Spirit
above. As I said before, I am surprised to hear you say the Island
belongs to you.”
The treaty commissioners left without making
demonstrable progress. They submitted their report to their superiors and
stated that: “They are possessed of the idea that their title to the
island is perfect, and was not impaired by the conditional surrender they
made to Sir Francis Bond Head in 1836.”
The Chiefs took issue with the Commissioners’
statements regarding their title to the Island and surrounding islands.
On June 27, 1862, the assembled Chiefs of Manitoulin, in council produced
another petition (written in Ojibwe) in which they stated:
“Last fall
we heard with great surprise him who came here, saying that he was sent by
the Queen; ‘We English, we are the masters of this Island of Ottawas, your
chiefs have ceded it,’ said he. This word surprised us wonderfully. No
we have never ceded our island nor the little ones. We keep them for our
children, to gain their livelihood on. Now again they want to trouble us
while we reflect upon in our minds the fine promises which have been made
to us. But we won’t take that matter into our consideration, we reject
the whole proposition. This is what we have to say.”
A year after the visit from Lindsey and Bartlett,
William Spragge and the Honourable William McDougall came to the island to
effect a treaty. On Saturday October 4th, 1862 speeches were
delivered by both the government officials and the chiefs. McDougall
attempted placate the Nishnaabeg while sweetening the pot:
“They
(Bartlett and Lindsey) told you that you are not the owners of the island,
I do not tell you that today. Assuredly you are, you, the owners of the
island... Here is the land that will be given to you respectively: per
family 100 acres; a boy of more than 21 years 50 acres; an orphan boy of
21 years, 100 acres. And the payment that is given to the Great Chief
(taxes), you will not give it; and your children will be taught well.”
McDougall tried to entice the Nishnaabeg
with the offer of money. At this treaty council,
Itawashkash (Sheshegwaning Chief) again served as
Ogimaa-giigido (Council Orator). After McDougall’s initial speech,
Itawashkash replied:
“My
brother, I make you know our thoughts, having reflected first on the words
you spoke to us. This is not the first time that we think about these
things, no, we think about them always. Beautiful are my thoughts, I hold
onto my land, I do not give it up. What I said last autumn when they came
to make that request is still today my thought and my
word.
Always, I too, want to keep this ancient land for my child, the little I
still possess, this is where the Great Spirit gave me to live, and I do
not want to abandon it. For you, it is on the other side of the Great
Water that he gave you to live...That is the thought of my Chiefs who are
here and for whom I speak.”
Government agents recorded events at the treaty
proceedings but so did the people of Wikwemikong. They recorded
McDougall’s reply to Itawashkash’s assertion: “Well! I have just heard
your thought and what you said. It is useless, though, you will continue
to be talked to about it. The Great Chief absolutely wants your land.
You will no longer be spoken to as we are here all together. You will
each be found on your lands, and will be asked each separately. Those who
will accept the proposal, their word will be taken, and the land which
they own. Those who live at the bottom end of the waters said the same as
you said today: this is where the Great Being gave us to live. They were
wrong, though: despite everything they gave up their land though they held
to it. That is what will happen to you as it happened to them. Now the
whites fill those lands. That is what will happen here.”
Wikwemikong Chief Jako [aka Jocko son of Chief
Atagewinini] attempted to ignite the other chiefs: “My brother, now my
chiefs make their thoughts known to you: will the Indian’s happiness start
now? Now that you come to ask him for his land in all its extent? Look
out, my brother! Those who gave up that mainland, it is now nothing at
all that you promised to pay them. You promised them four dollars. Look
well at this, my brother, look at my trousers. They cost me four dollars,
and I did not buy them out of the payment you gave me for my land. It is
the sugar I draw from the trees here in my little island that got these
trousers for me. That is what I tell you, my brother.”
Despite the efforts of the Wikwemikong chiefs to
re-unite all chiefs against signing the treaty, on October 6th,
1862 Itawashkash (Atonishkosh) signed the Treaty as did former
‘dissentients’ Debassige (Taibosegai) and Bemigwaneshkang (Paimoquonaishkung
etc.,). The Chiefs of Wiky did not sign the treaty.
After the 1862 Treaty was signed, the Chiefs of
Wikwemikong and the Jesuits launched an effort to have the Treaty
annulled. Jesuit Fr. Hanipaux reportedly threatened to ex-communicate
Sheshegwaning and Mitchigiwadinong (also spelt as Mitchikewedinong -
present day M’Chigeeng band) Indians if they did not write and sign
petitions. Of course, the local superintendent reported that the
signatories to the treaty were ‘happy and satisfied’ with the treaty.
There is little doubt that the Jesuits greatly
assisted the efforts to have petitions sent. They even offered to provide
paper to the Mitchigiwadinong and Sheshegwaning Chiefs. It would appear
that the Jesuits again played a dominant role, but I do not think it was
that simple because there exists a document called the “Minutes of a
council held by the Indians of the unceded portion of the Island and the
Mitchikewedinong Indians on the 10th January 186[last number
illegible].” In these minutes the chiefs state that Ironside is again
attempting to covertly get the Wikwemikong Indians to cede their land.
Taibosegai pledges his support to the Wikwemikong Chief Wahkaikezhik and
states that he expects the same assistance if anybody were to attempt to
‘overcome’ them. Paimoquonaishkung approves of Taibosegai’s stance.
Wakegijig (spelt Wahkaikezhik in the minutes) then stated: “The letter we
wrote last summer had no effect because we did not get it up properly.
But now this is what we will do - each chief of a village that is,
Sheshegwaning, Mitchikewedinong, Manitowaning and Wikwemikong shall make
out a paper with his name attached and these we shall send to Quebec.
This is the right thing to do.”
During the spring and summer of 1863, two petitions
written in Ojibwe were sent to the Governor General. A brief one from
Sheshegwaning and a more in depth one from Mitchikewedinong. These
petitions are both made and signed by the Warriors of each band. Both
contain statements from some of the respective Chiefs (Paimoquonaishkung,
Taibosegai, Wakaose {Wetcowsai}) who signed the treaty, expressing their
regret at having signed the treaty.
The content of the Mitchigiwadinong petition provide
six reasons to annul the treaty. The warriors who signed this petition
eloquently stated that they were not informed and that the chiefs had no
right to cede what they own as well. They also plead to the Governor
General to have mercy on them and that their women and children will be
the ones to suffer in poverty. Both petitions charged that the Chiefs
were threatened and coerced into signing the treaty. Threats of soldiers
coming to forcibly remove them from their lands as well as immigrant
settlers displacing them.
In Wikwemikong on July 1865, a general council of the
Manitoulin Indians was once again convened. Another petition was drawn up
and sent. This petition was signed by most of the 1862 Treaty
signatories. Again the Chiefs stated that they were coerced and
threatened into signing the Treaty document. The Chiefs wrote: “And now
as far as our feet will reach our tears run down from crying, looking at
our children who are to live in the future, at the same time thinking how
we have been cheated when frightened.... And now very carefully listen to
us. This time we faithfully tell our conclusion. It is that which was
done in a great council, and it is that which we strongly hold in our
mind, which is, that, the people hold the Island forever, what we now own
to hold forever for our children that are to live in the future... And now
we desire you who art merciful in heart, and the Ruler of the country
called Canada, in the name of the Great Spirit, to break now immediately
the Treaty into the making of which we were frightened and cheated, by Wm.
McDougall, at Manitowaning, 6th October, 1862.”
Clearly there is much more to this story than we have
told. This article utilized only written sources - not the oral
traditions of our living Elders. The sentiments expressed in these
documents are eloquent, captivating and poetic. Much more can be said
about the historical references to the Treaty of Niagara, the teachings
expressed by the Chiefs and the discourse of classic Ojibwe/ Odawa
language use. Certainly, such works deserve the attention of teachers and
students in our schools.
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